Political Ideology Essay Example for Free

Political Ideology Essay Abstract: Are these heady days for Nigerian political parties? This is the main question, which this paper addresses with emphasis on political ideology, being the first and most important vehicle of a political party. It is argued that despite all pretences to the contrary through their manifestoes, as much as the superficial classifications as the â€Å"left† and â€Å"right†, â€Å"progressive† and â€Å"conservative†, Nigerian parties seem to be bereft of clear ideological commitments. This conclusion is predicated upon the relegation of politics of issues to the background across the various republics, and in its place the ascendancy of identity and money politics. Other factors include the rising magnitude of political vagrancy on the basis of selfish and parochial interests, the high level of party indiscipline, absence/weakness of party cohesion and internal democracy, and the high mortality and turnover of party leadership. Finally, the paper discusses the implications of this for Nigeria’s democratization and democratic consolidation, before concluding with some recommendations. 1. Introduction. Are these heady days for Nigerian political parties? It does not seem so. Although, the decade of the 1990s witnessed the massive spread of what Huntington (1991) referred to as the â€Å"third wave† of democratization to Africa, including Nigeria, leading to an unprecedented resurgence of multiparty politics, there is no controversy about the fact that the mere adoption of party pluralism will not automatically advance the cause of democracy without the institutionalization of certain institutional parameters to promote and sustain due process in theory and practice (See, Bratton and Van de Walle, 1992; 1997; Sorensen, 612 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria 1993). One of the most complex and critical institutions of democracy is political party. Political parties, as â€Å"makers† of democracy, have been so romanticized that scholars have claimed that neither democracy nor democratic societies are thinkable without them. They not only perform functions that are government related, such as making government accountable and exercising control over government administration; and electorate related functions such as political representation, expression of people’s demand through interest articulation and aggregation as well as structuring of electoral choices; but also linkage related functions, playing an intermediary and mediatory role between the government and the electorate (see, Moore, 2002; Lapalombara and Anderson, 2001; Simon, 1962). Following Omotola (2005a) and Egwu (2005), Saliu and Omotola (2006) have pointed out that political parties can only cope effectively with these responsibilities to the extent of their political institutionalization in terms of structure, internal democracy, cohesion and discipline, as much as their autonomy. The element of party autonomy is very crucial. For, as Alli Mari Tripp has argued, and rightly so, those organizations that have asserted the greatest autonomy have generally been able to â€Å"select their own leaders, push for far-reaching agendas, and involve themselves in politics to a greater extent than organizations that have been tied to the regime/or dominant party, either formally or through informal patronage networks† (Tripp, 2001:101). A note of caution is necessary here to avoid confusion. The relationship between political parties and the state is a complex one. This is because it is the party that forms the government, the latter being the institution of the state. To now talk of a hard-line demarcation between the two may be unrealistic. Yet, the relationship should be well defined such that political parties, especially the one in power, as a critical segment of both the state and society, can enjoy some reasonable degree of â€Å"societal autonomy†, the absence of which poses serious threats to â€Å"political liberalization, democratization and democratic consolidation† (Tripp, 2001:105). In such a situation, multiparty democracy can be adapted for the â€Å"politicization of ethnicity and further 613 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria elite enrichment encouraging a confrontational and divisive system† (cf Dicklitch, 2002:205). The import of the foregoing discussion, to take a cue from Saliu and Omotola (2006:2), is that the level of political institutionalization of political parties and their institutional strengths are directly correlated to their ability to discharge their ascribed responsibilities, and by extension, the strengths of democracy. When well institutionalized, political parties can serve as a set of mediating institutions through which differences in ideas, interests and perception of political problems at a given time can be managed (Olagunju, 2000; Omotola, 2005a). However, when the reverse is the case, the democracy project and the general system stand the risk of perversion and eventual breakdown. Whatever the case, it is important to note that at the very heart of the success or otherwise of political party is the important question of political ideology. The issue of ideology has been so central to the activities of political parties across time and space that Anson D. Morse (1896:76) has argued that ideology, being the durable convictions held in common by party members in respect to the most desirable form, institutions, spirit and course of action of the state, determines the natural attitude of a party towards every public question (cf. Iyare, 2004:81). In an incisive piece on â€Å"political party convention†, Richard Davies and Vincent J. Strickler (1996:1025) similarly argue that â€Å"ideology functions as planks†, that is, single issue statements within the platform, the exact ideological orientation of which is often used as a bargaining chip in seeking party unity. Here, the platform connotes a statement of the official party position on a variety of issues. Okudiba Nnoli (2003:177-82) also concludes that ideology is a very crucial aspect of politics, not only by serving as a cognitive structure for looking at society generally and providing a prescriptive formula, that is, a guide to individual action and judgement, but also as a powerful instrument of conflict management, selfidentification, popular mobilization and legitimization. It may, therefore, be correct to assert that the first and most important vehicle of a political party, under an ideal situation, should be its ideological stance. 614 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria In reality, however, this is seldom the case. Perhaps, due to the shallowness of democratic roots especially in the developing countries, other forces of identity particularly ethnicity and religion would appear to have taken the place of ideology. The rising influence of money politics represents another crucial limiting dimension (see, Nugent, 2001a: 2001b; 2001c; 1999; 1995; Gros, 1998; Omotola, 2004). What is the situation with Nigerian parties? Put differently, do Nigerian parties have ideology? How has its ideological condition shaped and influenced the course of party politics in the country? The main thrust of this chapter is to critically engage these questions with a view to suggesting ways of reviving and raising the consciousness of Nigerian parties with regard to the centrality of ideology to party activities and effectiveness. The paper is organized into a number of sections. Firstly, it will analyze the place of ideology in political theory. The second substantive section situates Nigerian parties in historical perspectives, tracing briefly their origin and growth as a precursor to the analysis of the place of ideology in Nigerian parties across different epochs. The last substantive part of the paper, drawing on its immediate preceding section, engages the central question of whether Nigerian parties have ideology or not. It is argued that despite all pretences to the contrary through their manifestoes, as much as the superficial classifications as the â€Å"left† and â€Å"right†, â€Å"progressive† and â€Å"conservative† parties, Nigerian parties seem to be bereft of clear ideological commitments. This conclusion is predicated upon the relegation of politics of issues to the background across the various republics, and in its place the ascendancy of identity and money politics. Other factors include the rising magnitude of political vagrancy on the basis of selfish and parochial interests, the high level of party indiscipline, absence/weakness of party cohesion and internal democracy, and the high mortality and turnover of party leadership. Finally, the paper discusses the implications of this for Nigeria’s democratization and democratic consolidation, before concluding. 615 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria 2. Ideology and Political Theory. Ideology represents a typically crucial element of political parties and their activities. It is a set of ideas about politics, all of which are related to one another and that modify and support each other. Though relatively enduring, it is yet a dynamic phenomenon, capable of being modified by new issues. It was in this light that Philips W. Shively (1997) defines an ideology as â€Å"a continually developing, organized set of ideas about politics that helps us to make sense of the myriad of political questions that face use†. For Okudiba Nnoli, ideology typifies â€Å"a systematized and interconnected set of ideas about the socio-economic and political organization of society as a whole† (Nnoli, 2003: 178). The concept of ideology, is, historically, deeply rooted in political theory. As a concept, it was coined by the late eighteenth century French philosopher, Destutt de Tracy (1754 – 1836). According to Nnoli (2003:177), Destutt de Tracy used it to describe a new scientific discipline that systematically studies ideas, emotions and sensations – the science of ideas. This conception has since changed and ideology has come to embody the ideas themselves. As a result of the changes, ideology has come to be presented as a subject representing two contradictory realities – the good and the bad, the former depicting ideology as â€Å"a system of thought that animates social or political action†, and the latter as a â€Å"misleading, illusory or one-sided criticism or condemnation† (cf Nnoli, 2003:178-79). This was the kind of debate that dominated political discourse in the midnineteenth century. For instance, in their: The German Ideology, Marx and Engels (1960) took a swipe at Hegel and his-co-travelers, describing them as ideologists of the bourgeois system, not articulate about the material conditions of social and political life. Yet, they went ahead to articulate another conception of ideology based on class analysis as a device for articulating the conflicting interests of different social classes (Nnoli, 2003:178). 616 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria. From whatever perspective one looks as it, the reality of political life across political systems, developed or developing, is the fact of multiple political options from which inevitably, choice(s) must be made. At such critical crossroads, ideology provides a ready guide for appropriate action. Philips W. Shively posits that ideology is useful to people, both for their own personal ease and satisfaction and for their public political activities. At the individual level, ideology helps to make sense reasonably easily and quickly of the varied political questions that come to one’s attention. In terms of its public utilities, it helps people to make persuasive arguments convincingly to enlist popular support for a given public policy (Shively, 1997:46 – 47). On the whole, therefore, ideology is an indispensable element of politics. It does not only serve as a major instrument of state power, playing major role in the acquisition, use and consolidation of power, but also functions as political lifeline for the animation of politics, forcing individuals and groups alike to make political judgment, especially in the face of competing and conflicting divides, as between capitalism and socialism, during the Cold War. On these notes, Nnoli (2003:181-83) summarizes the functions of ideology as that of providing: A cognitive structure for looking at society generally, be serving as an explanatory and justificatory category for societal realities; A prescriptive formula – a guide to individual action and judgment as a basis for the legitimization of public polities when in conformity with popular belief; An instrument of conflict management and the integration of society by limiting the basic values and issues over which societal members and disagree; A means of self-identification for the satisfaction of specific personality needs, a means of self-evaluation and social solidarity; A dynamic force in both individual and collective commitment action for or against the ruling class or decision. That is, it provides a powerful basis for mobilization; 617 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria Enhancement of the political appeals of a political party, by differentiating one party from another; and Negatively, may serve not only as a serious impediment to national integration and suppress the underprivileged, but also to disguise authoritarian rule. This is because, it tends to provide individuals with â€Å"imaginary avenues of escape from the harsh realities of social life† (Nnoli, 2003:183). It is important to note that ideologies do have certain defining attributes. Most notable among these include the fact that they are not simply the creation of those who hold them. Rather, they tend to take on a life of their own and guide the political views of their holders in unanticipated ways (see, Price and Sullivan, 1980; Freeden, 1996). In most cases, ideologies originate from seemingly irreconcilable antagonistic settings, tend to be exclusive, absolute and universal in character; and can be personalized and turned into a sacred belief similar to religious beliefs. While it is not entirely permanent, it is, however, resistant to fundamental changes (see, Sibley, 1970; Nnoli, 2003; Enemuo, 1999). Some illustrations suffice. Across time and space, various forms of ideologies have emerged at different times, Marxism and not in the least, African socialism. For space constraints, we can not examine each of these here. It is however important to note that most of these ideologies do fit correctly to the aforementioned attributes. For instance, almost all such ideologies such as conservatism and socialism emerged in situation of acute social strain, in response to liberalism and capitalism respectively. While liberalism emphasizes individualism (freedom, liberty), conservatism harps on collectivism characteristic of welfarist states. Despite their long history, attacks and counterattacks against each other, both liberalism and conservation still remain prominent ideologies in western democracies particularly the United States of American and Great Britain (see, Rudolph, Jr. , 1996; Kay, 1976). Today, the emphasis in political theory is predominantly on democratic ideology. David Howarth 618 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria defines a democratic ideology as one involving the classification and analysis of different types of democratic ideologies, as they are articulated and function in concrete societies. It includes various democratic forms and institutions as capitalist/liberal democracy and radical democracy. It also reflects on the differences within a given type such as direct and indirect variants of liberal democracy (Howarth, 2001: 191-94). Essentially, democratic ideology centers on the way in which the language and rhetoric of democracy function as a tool of ideological justification and legitimization by political elites and ruling classes. It also focuses on cultural and ethnical conditions for the proper functioning of liberal democratic states and societies, requiring in the least, a belief in or at least an acceptance of democracy (see, Putnam, 1993; 1995; 1996). Above all, democratic ideology typifies the use of democracy by social groups and political forces to constitute their identities and advance their interests. Here, according to Howarth (2001:193), â€Å"democracy is itself a key ideological element in political mobilization and struggle, and is used to create political frontiers between differently located social groups and agencies. Democratic ideology therefore captures the whole essence of our theoretical postulations on the centrality of ideology to the exploits of political parties. What needs to be added is that an umbrella party (Catch-All Party) that seeks to appeal to diverse interests, usually by adopting a general or vague platform, may not necessarily stick to only one ideology and vice versa. This is the case in the United States where in the two dominant parties – Democrats and Republican – there are Liberals, Moderates and Conservatives. The reverse is the case in Great Britain where the Labour and Conservative parties are each highly centralized and less catch-all in nature than American parties (see, Rudolph, Jr. , 1996: 1021). Yet, in either case, the parties are known for their well-defined and distinct ideologies. 619 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria 3. Origin and Growth of Nigerian Parties Philips, W. Shively (1997:200) observed that although political party had turned to be useful for a variety of tasks that require control or communication, it was first invented for more limited and self serving purposes. This observation aptly captures the Nigerian reality. At its inception in 1923, precisely 24 June, 1923, following the introduction of the elective principle by the Clifford constitution, Nigerian parties had very limited and self-serving objectives. The main objective was perhaps, that of buying legitimacy for the colonial government through very limited franchise restricted to Lagos and Calabar. Richard Sklar, in his seminal work – Nigerian Political Parties – demonstrates articulately how the emergence of political associations such as the People’s Union, was only in response to the prevailing realities of colonial administration (Sklar, 1963; Coleman, 1958). Little wonder, when the first political party in Nigeria, the Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) emerged in 1923, under the leadership of Herbert Macaulay, its activities were restricted to contesting elections into the Lagos city council. For years, the UNDP was hegemonic in its dominance in electoral politics in the country. This was to be challenged by the Lagos Youth Movement latter Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM)- formed in 1934 and defeated the NNDP for the three seats allocated to Lagos that year. By 1944, the increasing tempo of nationalist agitation had resulted in the formation of another political party – the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon (CNCN), under the leadership of Herbert Macaulay and later Nnamdi Azikwe (see, Sklar, 1968: 46-50). This was followed, in quick succession, by the transformation of the Egbe Omo Oduduwa, a Yoruba sociocultural organization, into a political party, the Action Group (AG) in 1950 under the leadership of Chief Obafemi Awolowo and the Northern People Congress (NPC) in 1959 with dominance in the northern region. By 1951, a breakaway faction of the NPC consisting mainly of radical youths based in Kano formed the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU). These parties dominated the political landscape of the country particularly in their respective regions in the 620 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria march towards independence and in the First Republic (see, Dudley, 1973; Sklar, 1963). Although the Second Republic (1979 – 1983) witnessed the emergence of more political parties, there was no much difference with what obtained under the First Republic. Rather, what happened was the reincarnation of parties of the First Republic under different nomenclatures with some additional parties. The parties included the National Party of Nigeria (NPN), the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) and the Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP) replacing the NPC, AG and NCNC, respectively. Others were the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) and Great Nigerian Peoples Party (GNPP), and later Nigerian Advance Party (NAP), which was registered in 1982, after failing the first round in 1978 (Osaghae, 1998). These parties constituted major actors in the Second Republic. Under the aborted Third Republic, there was a fundamental change in the mode of party formation in Nigeria. This pertains to the official formation of parties by the state after a series of experiments with different political associations (see, Oyediran and Agbaje, 1991). The parties were the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and National Republican Convention (NRC), the former being a little to the left and the latter a little to the right (see, Olagunju, et al, 1993:216; Omoruyi, 2002). This development, executed after the dissolution of the thirteen associations that applied for registration has been as part of the grand design to execute a â€Å"hidden agenda† to perpetuate the military regime in power (Osaghae, 1998:220). The eventual annulment of the 12 June 1993 presidential election by the military regime of general Babangida lends some credence to this claim. The country once again returned to multi-party democracy in 1999 following the transition inaugurated and successfully completed by General Abdulsalm Abubakar. Initially, three political parties – Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the All Peoples Party (APP), later All Nigerian People Party (ANPP), and the Alliance for Democracy (AD) were registered by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). By December 2002, the number of registered parties rose to thirty (30), while additional three 621 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria political parties were registered in January/February 2006 (see, Simbine, 2005; Onu and Momoh, 2005). This presupposes the opening up of the political space for democratic opportunities and development. But in reality, the opportunities associated with such openings are yet to be positively exploited for the political development of the country. This may not be unconnected with the poverty of ideology that characterizes Nigerian parties, as will be demonstrated in the next section. 4. Nigerian Parties and Ideological Dispositions Let us begin with parties of the First Republic, that is, the NPC, NCNC and AG. Ideologically, the NPC was an essentially conservative and elitist party, while the AG and NCNC appeared to be progressive and welfarist, predicated upon socialist ideology. Even at that, it may be difficult to delineate the very ideological orientation of these parties. They, however, share a common feature of ethno-regional ideology, seeking to capture and consolidate power in their respective spheres of influence/region. They were also driven by a commitment to the nationalist struggle, though in varying degrees, against colonialism. The ambiguity as regards their ideological disposition can further be gleaned from the pattern of alignment between/among the parties. For example, the resolve of the NPC and NCNC, two ideologically incompatible parties, the former to the right and the latter to the left, to enter into the alliance that formed the government during the First republic attests to this. Scholars have pointed out that the alliance was a â€Å"marriage of inconvenience†, and would have been better between the AG and NCNC. Because the alliance was not informed by a commitment to a belief system and principles espoused by party ideology, it crumbled, sooner than expected, like a park of cards (see, Dudley, 1993; Post and Vickers, 1973; Olaniyi, 1997:87). In terms of ideological orientations, parties of the Second Republic would appear, safe for the GNPP, to be the reincarnations of the parties of the moribund First Republic. 622 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria For this and related reasons, there were no fundamental differences in party politics and activities, as the country was â€Å"once again mired in a vituperative and vicious politics† (Yaqub, 2002; 125). This was graphically captured by the unprecedented pace of intra and inter-party factionalization and conflicts. Political vagrancy permeates the political landscape, leaving in its wake major realignments and coalitions among the parties (see, Osaghae, 1998:139 – 44). Notably, the formation of the so-called forum of the â€Å"progressive† governors consisting of PRP, GNPP, NPP and UPN was unable to survive long, as the ruling NPN used its federal might and patronage to attract decampees from other parties. Eventually, it succeeded in wooing the NPP of the East, in a manner reminiscent of the First Republic into an alliance, which like the earlier one, collapsed sooner than expected. The eventual breakdown of the alliance marked the beginning of internal crisis for the NPP, following the refusal of some of its top leaders particularly Mathew Mbu and Professor Ishaya Audu to resign their appointments in government (Osaghae, 1998:140). Logically, it may be argued that if the parties had been guided by a clear commitment to a particular belief system and principles, much of the crisis and contradictions that characterized party politics under the Second Republic could have been averted. But, since the parties were motivated largely by ethnic competition for power through their respective ethnic champions, nothing more could have been expected. As Osaghae has argued, while the instrumentalist†, to the attainment of this feat (1998:144). The degeneration of party politics through political vagrancy, elite factionalization and weak institutionalization led to the military coup of December 31, 1983 that brought the Second Republic into an abrupt end. Yet, the NPP and GNPP appeared to be liberal in ideology with a strong belief in mixed economy; the NPN conservative with emphasis on free market system and respect for traditional institutions. The PRP, a leftist and most radical party had a populist, antineocolonial agenda and advocates social revolution and income redistribution; and the UPN; the most disciplined, socialist/welfarist in orientation was based on the 623 J Shola Omotola, MS., Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria philosophy of free education and heath care delivery (see, Ujo, 2000:91-102; Osaghae, 1998:118-122). The aborted Third Republic witnessed a new experiment in party formation, when for the first time in the history of party politics in Nigeria; the government created and imposed two political parties on the system. Ordinarily, the existence of two political parties should represent two different ideological camps, as has been the case between the Labour and Conservative parties in Britain and Democrats and Republican parties in the USA. This was not the case with respect to the SDP and NRC in Nigeria. Although, while one was a little to the left and other a little to the right, nothing much differentiates the parties, at least not in ideological dispositions (see, Jinadu, 1995; Lewis, 1994; Oyediran and Agbaje, 1991; Adejumobi, 1997). Yaqub (2002:128) had written about party politics under the Third Republic that: The way incompatibility had been manifested in the two parties †¦ was not fundamentally due to serious ideological divisions (in any case, the manifestoes of the parties, despite phrase – mongering of â€Å"a little to the left†, and â€Å"a little to the right†, did not articulate much programme differences), but to assert, that even if we are to borrow Babangida’s words, the â€Å"old lines of cleavages and primordial loyalties† once again simply asserted themselves. If parties of previous republics were found wanting on ideological stance and commitment, those of the Fourth Republic are obviously worse. Omoruyi (2002:8) has noted that the manner of origin of the parties does not fit into what we know from literature, their composition fluid and unstable, and can be viewed as mere instruments of transition from military to civil rule. And for the future and with the prospect for more parties, â€Å"they raise more questions than answers to the lingering political problems for Nigeria†. According to him, the PDP, for example, draws its founders from â€Å"all and sundry political persuasions: conservatives, radicals and progressives† (Ghali – Na’bba, 624 J Shola Omotola, MS., Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria 2001: cf Omoruyi, 2002:8), most of whom supported the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election and flirted with the military during the annulment and in the post-annulment period; including some serving as ministers or members of the ING or as member of the Abacha undemocratic constitutional conference or as leaders of some of the five political parties set up and managed by General Abacha’s aides that finally endorsed him as the sole presidential candidate in April 1998 (Omoruyi, 2002:8-9). The APP did not differ in any respect as its founders also served as ministers or as aides in different parts of the country under Abacha. The AD that looks different was, however, affected by its inability to meet the federal character clause in the constitution and up till today remains essentially a Yoruba party. It was perhaps the foregoing faulty origin and precarious foundations of these parties that have been largely responsible for their seeming ideological barrenness. Although, the PDP and APP (ANPP) were status quo parties, given their capitalist and conservative dispositions; and the AD progressive and radical in appearance, none of them seems to have clear policy positions as a basis of popular mobilization and legitimacy of their actions. Judging by their activities, it has been observed that â€Å"there’s almost nothing to chose, between PDP and other parties in terms of ideological learning† (Iyare, 2004:92). Simbine (2002:2005:23) has also observed that the manifestoes of the first three political parties were â€Å"essentially the same in content†, as they were not crafted differently, and the strategies for achieving objectives did not differentiate parties from each other. In a seeming self-indictment passage, Jerry Gana, a former Minister of Information and PDP stalwart observes: In terms of cohesion and firm ideological learning, there is a problem but PDP will be transformed, PDP will be strong, PDP will be strengthened ideological, PDP will be more organized, PDP will be in power for 30 years (quoted in Iyare, 2004:94). 625 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria Given the obvious poverty of ideology that characterizes the first three political parties of the Fourth Republic, PDP, APP and AD, it should not be surprising that almost all the other parties that sprang up or broke away from them did no do so because of ideological disagreements. Neither was it that they have articulated alternative views of governance for sustainable democracy and development as a viable basis of popular mobilization to wrestle power from the incumbent party. Rather, they were products of adversarial elite behaviour taken to the points of irreconcilability. Little wonder, these parties also have no ideological stance on major national questions other than the transformation and manipulation of forces of identity particularly ethnicity and religion (see, Simbine, 2005). The implication is that the â€Å"so-called political parties are not in competition with one another. They are in factions; these factions are more in competition within themselves than with another party† (Omoruyi, 2002:17). An informed observer and consistent scholar of Nigerian politics captures the scenario thus: Unfortunately, the succeeding generations of party leaders, despite having their forbearers’ legacies to draw from and better educational background into the bargain, have not demonstrated this perspicacity.

nature of ligic and perception Essay -- essays research papers

Logic and perception 1 One of the amazing yet perplexing things about thinking logically and critically is that all of us perceive issues differently and all of us have a unique thinking pattern. The things that we experience also play an important role in how we perceive issues and also our thinking patterns.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  One believes the nature of logic is how we each deal with a situation and how we decide what the right thing to do is and how we come to certain conclusions about a situation. We all have had experiences in our life that contribute to what we feel is logical or not logical.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  My perpetual process has a lot to do with the experiences that I have gone through. For example, if I experience something negative from that point on I will continue to think that and the same goes for a positive experiences. Some blocks that I have is that I, unfortunately was raised to always think of the worst before the best. This is something that I work on and have come far, but in the situation I am about to tell you about had happened you will be able to see this trait in me.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  At my current workplace we were just starting to do all of our work and correspondence to our client’s via-email, since all of our clients were requesting this. So we decided to use it among each other in the office as well. My boss informed me that there was an email that had been sent to me and it was cruci...

Digital Telecommunications and Network

A network is defined by Noergaard (2005) as a collection of two or more connected devices that can send or receive data. He further adds that the relationship between these connected devices in a network determines the total architecture. The purpose of this report is to understand the networked applications architectures. Two networking architectures are covered here; the client/server architecture and peer-to-peer architecture. The report first gives an outline of these two architectures and their advantages and disadvantages.It is seen that the industry divides its products on the concept of client-server model or peer-to-peer model. Some applications perform better with the former model while others perform better with the later model (Klemt 2005), 1992). Based on the understanding of this report, two separate scenarios for a basic networking application will be analysed. The idea will be to judge the type of networking architecture to be used for each scenario. Finally based on the entire analysis, a conclusion will be drawn as to which resource has to be used in what situation.Part 1: Review of Client/Server and P2P application architecture Client/Server architecture Client-network computing is one of the most basic paradigms of distributed computing, and this architecture is based on the paradigm as described by Jalote (2005). This architecture has a minimum of three components – a client, a server and a network that connects these two systems. This is a two level architecture where a client requests a service and the server provides it (Singh 2005). The server is usually accessed through a remote procedure called RPC, request of which is defined by their signature.The processing of the request is internal to the server and is transparent to the client. The client and server may be on different or same systems Advantages of client/server architecture Client server architecture using RPCs has been used for over a decade for system wide exchange com puting (Singh 2005). The main reason for this is the high level of reliability this architecture provides. It is also found that the cost of the entire system over a period of time is less than that used by other architectures.In addition, the architecture also enhances safety since any of its components can be removed without a major impact on the other system. This architecture leads to a better distribution of resources through the system. This architecture also leads to increased productivity because the front and back end distribution of processes is optimised (Jalote, 2005). Disadvantages of client/server architecture The main disadvantage of the client/server architecture is that there are multiple databases in the client/server environment, making the management and synchronizing of the data shared between them difficult.This also leads to a difficulty in software distribution and configuration management program, as the system is distributed. The cost of maintenance may als o increase because of the different networks being inter-networked. P2P architecture Peer-to-peer or P2P architecture is another way of managing distributed applications. In this method, the individual nodes have similar and comparable roles, unlike the client/server systems. In this architecture, the nodes are given roles such that both can act as client and server. This type of connection requires at least two computers connected to each other (Reid, 2004).In order to function correctly each node of the system should know the address of at least another node. Each node can directly contact the other node of the system for using its resources, without going trough the server (Heathcote & Langfield, 2004) Advantages of P2P Architecture This type of communication exists since the time of old IBM PCs. The primary advantage of a P2P network is that it is fault tolerant and there is no single location for the fault. This means that the system works well even when several of its componen ts are missing (Verma, 2004).Also the combination of processing power of multiple nodes in a network greatly increases the efficiency of the system in terms of combined processing power and storage when compared with a central server. P2P systems are hence extremely autonomous and can secure anonymity. They can be generally deployed in an ad hoc system without requiring central management or control. Finally, unlike the client/server systems there is no need for a separate network operating system (Reid, 2004). Disadvantages of P2P Architecture The manageability of peer-to-peer systems is much harder, due to the extremely distributed nature of the system.Security is also not centrally controlled and the users need to remember different passwords for accessing the resources located on different nodes on the network (Porter, 2006). Facilities such as backup are the responsibilities of the individual user unlike the client/server systems where the server can schedule them. This system works best for lesser number of systems in a network, usually under 10 (Reid, 2004). Part 2: The architecture of Mr. Robertson’s home network Network Architecture The architecture which I would suggest for Mr. Robertson’s home would be a peer—to-peer network.There is no necessity for a client/server model in this case. Also no type of hub system is required, since the application is very simple Justification As is already explained in the section above, a peer-to peer network is used for ease of applications without extra overload. The system works best for systems which having less than 10 systems. As Mr. Robertson’s system uses only two computers, the system is ideal for this purpose. In addition to this, the home network does not require the additional overhead of a server so a pure peer-to-peer system, one without any server (Subramanian & Goodman, 2005), can be used.The application mainly used is the file sharing which can be easily done. Also for us ing the internet, there is no necessity for the system to have simultaneous connections as is already mentioned in the example. While, to most intents and purposes, a printer application requires the use of a server so as to manage the print request being sent from multiple systems, this is clearly not the case here. The network should merely have the capability to receive print jobs from both the systems a simultaneous operational capability is not really required, as the application would not be too critical.In the worst case, the print job could be cancelled and given again. Finally, the use of a client server system would in addition to setting a server, also need additional components and software like an operating system, which is not required in this case, as there is no need for tasks like allocation resources, backups etc. Also, Mr Robertson gets the advantage of removing any of the two systems from the network at anytime, and the second component would work just as well, a s neither of the system is a server. Components for the home network In addition to the 2 computers and printers purchased by Mr.Robertson, he needs very few components to get his system up an running. He would need the cable modem, a twisted cable pair, media converter for running the internet through cable, a splitter and a print sharer. There is no necessity for a hub for such a system, which is necessary only if there are more than two computers on a network. The splitter would divide the internet connection to the two systems which will the function of the print sharer also. A wireless NIC or a wired one can be used to share the network. Only single numbers of components, except the connecting cables, are needed because there are only two computers.Topology of the home network The figure above shows the basic topology of the network. As explained above, there is no need for a hub for just 2 systems. The printer can be connected either via a print sharer or the software can be u sed to do that by accessing the network. Here, each computer can access the network printer. In addition, the cable connection that comes can be split into two using a splitter. This type of networking requires basic minimum of components and can be used for connecting systems on a home network. This system is extendable to more than two systems.The only difference would be that in that case, a hub would be used between the two systems instead of just a cable. Also the cable type, which is twisted in this case, might be changed for more than two computer systems, because of load factors. In this case also, there will not be any necessity for a server, as the printer tasks will be shared, but not scheduled or managed by an external system. Part 3: The architecture of the LAN of BC Inc. Network Architecture For the company’s LAN, a client server system is a must. There are only 16 systems, on the LAN would more than fulfil the application necessity.There are multiple applicatio ns needed for this system. There is the printer service which is multiple in numbers and locations. In addition, there is the obvious necessity for an email and web server for the business applications. All this necessitates are need for the use of a client/server model. Justification In many of the situations given above the peer-to-peer network fails to have any use. First and foremost is the number of systems. The P2P system is only suitable if the number of systems is less than 10, as mentioned earlier. Also it is not just the number of system that is a problem, since it is not a very huge network.Office applications as a rule need more features and functionality than a home based server, and so the load on the network contributed by each system is also a lot. In addition to this there is he additional necessity for security and backups as compared to the home networks. People usually prefer manual backups on their home networks, but almost all the companies insist on having sch eduled backups for the protection of data. In addition, the systems also need to have security updates with a controlled installation, which is not necessary for a home network, whose security necessities extend maximum to having a basic firewall.As in earlier case, due to data sensitivity, companies prefer to have all of these controlled rather than leaving it to the discretion of the office employees. There is an obvious burden due to the higher cost of installation and maintenance of the system. But this is more than compensated by the quality of security and safety levels given by such a system. Also since, there are only 16 employees in the system, it is logical to have the email server as the same as the network server. This is also true for the web server applications. However, here there is an assumption being taken.It is assumed that the company business is a small size, based on the number of people working there. This may very well not be the case. In addition to this, th e web sever installation might be mandatory on an external system, because of security reasons. For instance, the company might not want its intranet lined with its webserver to provide more security. This case might necessitate the need for a separate web server, though for this report, a single sever is being considered for now. Physical Components In addition to the computer systems and printers, the company needs many additional systems to make a network.First and the most important of this is the server system, which needs be high ended, with high processing power and speed. This is that the system can easily act as a intranet server, a mail server, and also the web server. In addition to this a router is essential for connecting to the internet via the DSL modem. Also there are multiple numbers of cables, based on the systems connected to the network. Since the system is connected via the Ethernet here, the internet being a DSL based one; the corresponding cables are also requ ired.The printer is connected to the server, which takes care of the scheduling the print jobs. The other servers, as mentioned earlier are situated on the main server itself. The figure above shows the scheme of the connection diagram. The above diagram is a very simplistic way of representation of the office network. As mentioned above, the server would be common from email and web applications, and also take care of the intra networking scheme. In addition, the various printers and DSL modem would be added to this server only.The server would need a network operating system and the main security firewalls and the protection schemes like the antivirus would be installed here. Ethernet would be the mode of interconnection in the network. The system can be extended when a new web server is required, which is separate from the present server. There can be another server attached to the present one which would take care of the business related websites etc. The connection would be res tricted so that only the purchase related or feedback related information is passed to the main server, which would then direct this information to the necessary client system.Conclusion In the report mentioned above, there were two types of networking architecture which were analysed. One was the client server architecture, which is one of the oldest networking schemes available. The system finds its use in complex networks having many systems, and necessity for multi-file sharing applications, common or shared database and also security. All these are provided by this system, which the case seen by the company example is being taken here.The operations are very complex with multi-printers and their multiple locations, the necessary for common access to the internet, and also the need for servers for websites and emails. Also the network needed security and will be needed managed access permission for files stored on the network. The restricted type of entry for a network is possib le only for a client and server type of architecture, which is what was proposed for this case. The company being an accounting firm would also need internal data restrictions and security issues, which can only be tacked by this architecture.In contrast, the home networking system is a very simple operation, which needs to have a mere connection to the internet and the use of a printer. There are no constraints of security or access restrictions on this systems and the main application need is a basic file share operation. For such a system a basic, peer-to-peer architecture is sufficient. There is no need for hubs also as there are only two systems. The network does not need any server based system which is too much of overkill here. Hence, using these two examples, the two types of networking architectures are explained here.

Dna Evidence And Its Repercussions - 1374 Words

We will examine the importance of DNA in the conviction of Tommie Lee Andrews and the significance of this decision in the United States Judicial System. We will discuss an overview of some of the essential elements in conducting utilizing this DNA evidence and its repercussions. This case signified the first time in the United Sates that DNA evidence was actually admissible in court proceedings during a criminal trial. In 1986, in a neighborhood around the Orlando, Florida area a series of violent rapes had the city on edge. One of the victim s names was Nancy Hodge, who was brutally raped at knifepoint by her attacker. She only briefly saw the attacker and was not able to immediately identify him due to his hands having covered her†¦show more content†¦Due to the brief period that Hodge had been allowed to see her attacker, the prosecution felt that stronger evidence was needed to prove a connection. The brief 6-second glimpse that the victim Nancy Hodge obtained during he r ordeal wasn’t considered viable enough for trial purposes (Lewis). This relatively new forensic investigation technic involving the use of DNA fingerprinting was in its infancy and was pioneered by a British scientist might hold the answer to convicting the rapist. Because the mistrial of Andrews caught the prosecution off guard due to not having appropriate information or statistics of its viability, a new plan was needed. The prosecution felt that a stronger case against Andrews was needed to proceed in court. The prosecutor contacted a colleague familiar with principles of the DNA evidence in England for guidance. He then contacted a company in New York used to develop methods of DNA profiling or fingerprinting for assistance. Once the results of testing were completed in this case, it positively matched two of the six rapes being investigated. The problems associated with this technology were that no real national database that was established or in place for complete comparison, and the since the technology was considered being fairly new it would require it to go through anShow MoreRelatedDna And The Criminal Justice System872 Words   |  4 PagesDeoxyribonucleic Acid, otherwise known as DNA has played a crucial part in many investigations both past and present. It can be used to identify criminals when there is evidence left behind with incredible accuracy. DNA evidence is taken seriously enough that it can exonerate, or bring about a conviction. In Today’s society DNA evidence and technology is vital to the criminal justice system by ensuring accuracy and fairness. In 1984, Alec Jeffreys of the University of LeicesterRead MoreThe Use Of Genetic Modification Of Organisms1070 Words   |  5 Pagesprocess of extracting deoxyribonucleic acid from an organism and combing fragments (genes) of it with DNA of a separate organism. 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